This work is aimed at studying the results of the VI All-Belarusian People’s Assembly.
Aim. Determine the geopolitical dimension of the VI All-Belarusian People’s Assembly as an integration project of the Republic of Belarus.
Tasks. To study the nature of preparation in the Republic of Belarus for the VI All-Belarusian People’s Assembly. Analyze the main provisions and conclusions of the report of the President of the Republic of Belarus A. G. Lukashenko and speakers at the Meeting. To generalize the geopolitical dimension of the results of the VI All-Belarusian People’s Assembly.
Methodology. Study of documents of the VI All-Belarusian People’s Assembly on the basis of information and analytical technologies, including the provisions of critical geopolitics and high-quality content analysis.
Results. None of the previous similar forums received such a noticeable political resonance at the preparatory stage and was not subject to oblivion after its end. Thorough preparation, the study of public opinion, the preceding broad national dialogue determined the main distinguishing feature of the Assembly. The composition of its participants quite fully reflected the social structure of the entire Belarusian society. The nature of the discussion at the Meeting was det ermined by the report of the Head of State. The overwhelming majority of delegates, showing a high level of geopolitical selfidentification, supported the main conclusions and provisions of this report. During the discussion at the Meeting, the question arose about the geopolitical security of the Republic of Belarus in a new geopolitical configuration in Europe. The assessment of Russia as the main geo-economic partner and geostrategic ally is given. The position of the delegates in relation to strengthening the efficiency of public administration and, accordingly, the geopolitical position of the Republic of Belarus has been determined.
Conclusions. The geopolitical significance of Belarus today lies in the fact that it is acquiring the image of a full-fledged designer of the Eurasian space. The VI All-Belarusian Assembly became a special forum in the modern history of the republic, which took place in the fateful period of the development of Belarusian society. The VI All-Belarusian People’s Assembly became an indicator of the understanding of the Belarusian society of the geopolitical future of their country, the abili ty to “rise” to the geopolitical level of assessing the current situation, both in the republic and in the wo rld as a whole. 

This study is aimed at identifying the preliminary results of Kazakhstan’s foreign trade with countries that have agreements on economic cooperation with the Eurasian Economic Union.
Aim. Identification the emergence of effects for Kazakhstan’s foreign trade from agreements with the EAEU partner states.
Tasks. Analyze the indicators of Kazakhstan’s foreign trade with states that have preferential modes of cooperation with the EAEU, compare these indicators of the validity period of the relevant agreements with previous periods and with the parameters of Kazakhstan’s foreign trade as a whole, assess the results of foreign trade during the period of validity of agreements on economic cooperation.
Methods. In this work, we used the methods of time series analysis and comparative analysis.
Results. The study showed that in most cases, the intensity of Kazakhstan’s mutual trade with countries that have preferential regimes of cooperation with the EAEU has significantly increased after the conclusion of agreements. Trade of Kazakhstan with the only country with a relatively long history of the current free trade agreement, Vietnam, showed significant growth during this period, many times higher than the general indicators of foreign trade. The outstripping growth in trade with the considered countries occurs, as a rule, due to an increase in Kazakhstani exports, which has a positive effect on foreign trade as a whole and has a positive effect on the indicators of the trade and balance of payments. The cumulative effect for Kazakhstan’s foreign trade from increasing trade with the EAEU partner countries is quite large and is measured by an annual increase in trade turnover at the level of more than $ 650 million, and an increase in exports in the amount of slightly less than $ 1 billion.
Conclusion. The preliminary results of Kazakhstan’s foreign trade with the EAEU partner countries are positive and confirm the existence of potential for further cooperation through the conclusion of new trade and other agreements with other states.

The article analyzes the current state of the civil circulation of real estate within the Eurasian Economic Union as a supranational formation, examines the legal basis for the international turnover of real estate, as well as identifies legal problems.
Aim. Suggest the best ways to solve the problems of international turnover of real estate within the Eurasian Economic Union.
Tasks. To determine the legal basis for the regulation of international turnover of real estate within the EAEU, to analyze the state of the real estate market within the EAEU, as well as to identify legal problems that hinder the development of these social relations.
Methods. In this research we used methods of comparative law, methods of analysis and synthesis, as well as methods of deduction and induction.
Results. In the course of the research the authors conclude that there are some problematic aspects of both national and international regulation in the field of international real estate transactions. These problems are expressed in the absence of uniform norms governing the procedure for certifying real estate transactions, as well as in the absence of a unified legal mechanism for such transactions.
Conclusion. As a result of analysis of problems of current legislation, the authors propose ways to solve them by creating a uniform (unified) rules in the field of notarization of real estate transactions within the Eurasian Economic Union.

Europe — Eurasia — Asia. Each continent of the vast continent corresponds to a dominant continental power, respectively Germany — Russia — China; in one of them (China), in the zone of conjugation of the Eurasian and Asian continental civilizations, that is, in the Russian-Chinese borderland, a new regional entity is emerging and developing with the attributes of a maritime civilization.
Aim. The aim of the study is to solve the scientific problem of matching the national interests of the two countries within this regional maritime space.
Tasks. To achieve the goal of the study, the following tasks are being solved: to substantiate the structure of the allocated geopolitical entity and to identify the directions of interaction between the two countries on the basis of coordinating economic and defense activities in the Pacific region.
Methods. In this work, the methodological tools of spatial economics and the theory of new economic geography are used, which make it possible to combine geopolitical and economic (geoeconomic) imperatives in a localized space when coordinating joint activities. The core of this formation is the three seas of the Pacific basin adjacent to the territory of China. However, China’s strategic interests extend further, to the north, into the water area of at least two Russian seas. Thus, Russia is also involved in joint maritime activities within the Pacific region.
Results. As a result, this creates a space of common national interests, which covers the waters of the five seas and adjacent territories. The regional core of this formation tends to expand, north, east and south, and further west, into the Indian Ocean.
Conclusion. The conclusions of the study are that the maritime (more precisely, naval) activities of the two continental powers are essentially becoming the basis of cooperation and cooperation between Russia and China, since Russia can contribute to the implementation of China’s vast national interests only in the defense sphere, providing, in addition, significant, political support for China. As for economic activity, first of all, while meeting the growing demand of the Chinese economy for energy resources (oil, gas and coal), the prospects in this direction lie outside the current planning horizons (until 2035) when implementing large Arctic gas projects. in the water area of the Gulf of Ob “Arctic LNG 1, 2, 3”.

The article describes transformation of the ideology of liberalism and the associated practices of economic domination at the transition stage from the socio-philosophical Modern paradigm to Postmodern paradigm.
Aim. Identify the link between the rhetoric of modern liberalism, Postmodern paradigms and trends in the evolution of the world economic system.
Tasks. Consider the historical conditions for the formation of liberal and neo liberal ideology; determine the place of neoliberal discourse in the ideological landscape of our time; correlate it with other relevant discourses that claim to explain economic, social and cultural processes; to analyze the features of modern practices of developed countries economic domination in relations with the others world countries.
Methods. The article, using logical analysis, establishes the main features of modern liberal ideology, allowing us to talk about a new stage in the history of the liberalism development. Comparative analysis allows us to find out the points of liberalism convergence at this stage with other ideological directions in present time. However, statistical analysis reveals important economic factors impeding the reduction of the distance between developed and developing countries.
Results. The study showed that to date, the liberal discourse has undergone significant changes, which allows us to talk about a completely new stage in the development of liberal ideology. On the one hand, it was significantly influenced by a general paradigm shift that affected the entire spectrum of socio-economic thought in the 20th century, which we define as an intensifying transition from the Modern paradigm to the Postmodern paradigm. On the other hand, the analysis of the historical path of imperialism and its inherent practices of domination also allows us to talk about its sig nificant transformation in the conditions of the post-industrial economy and the information society. Parallel consideration of these aspects (ideological and practical), the continuous correlation of theory with economic realities allows the authors to define such a complex concept as hyper imperialism. This term is proposed to be used to refer to a specific form of imperialism in a post-industrial manner. At the same time, the intrinsic inseparability of various types of expansion — economic, ideological and, more broadly, civilizational — is taken as its key feature.
Conclusion. In the context of a large-scale socio-economic and ideological transformation of a global nature, the need for new forms and means of confronting economic hegemony and finding a path to independent economic and social development is increasing.

This study examines “soft power” international activity instruments of the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) with third countries within the framework of transregionalism on the basis of program documents and institutional formats. The study describes the experience of China, where soft power is used to achieve economic power and can act as a source of both attractiveness and pressure.
Aim. The study to determine the feasibility of applying the concept of “soft power” in the field of international cooperation of the EAEU with third countries on the basis of program documents and institutional mechanisms.
Tasks. The author determines the conceptual foundations of international cooperation between the EAEU and third countries, considers the EAEU program documents in the field of international cooperation, identifies the institutional formats of the EAEU in the field of interaction with third countries.
Methods. The study uses methods of studying documents and content analysis to identify the competent authorities of the EAEU and existing institutional formats in the field of international cooperation. At the root of the EAEU’s activities, two principles can be traced: supranational, which is responsible for the functioning of the Eurasian Economic Commission (EEC), and interstate, when member states can also be involved in negotiations.
Results. This study shows that the EAEU implements four institutional formats for interaction with third countries, namely the Free Trade Zone; Interim agreement leading to the formation of a free trade area; Preferential and non-preferential trade agreements; Memorandum of understanding. Thus, the highest format of interaction between the EAEU and third countries is the Free Trade Zone. The choice of a specific institutional format with third countries is determined not only by historical and geopolitical characteristics, but rather a comprehensive analysis of the foreign policy and capabilities of a particular country.
Conclusions. The EAEU’s international activities in the field of interaction with third countries are aimed not only at deepening and simplifying trade and economic cooperation, but also making it possible to promote soft power in the international global space through tools such as science, technology, innovation.

A review of scientific articles published over the past 15 years in leading foreign scientific journals on international law demonstrates the gradual improvement of legal means for the settlement of maritime disputes between the states.
Aim. Identification of the features for application of the law of the sea norms targeted on the resolution of maritime disputes that develop in the modern international system.
Tasks. Development of the classification of maritime disputes, analysis of the jurisdiction of the judicial authorities competent to resolve maritime disputes, characterization of the provisions of international agreements and customs of the law of the sea in the resolution of maritime disputes by the International Court of Justice of the United Nations (ICJ), the International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea (ITLOS) and the Permanent Court of Arbitration in The Hague (PCA).
Methods. Discourse analysis of the most authoritative publications on the issue of resolving maritime disputes, a formal legal analysis of the norms and customs of maritime law, as well as a comparative legal study of judicial and arbitration practice in resolving interstate maritime disputes. Law enforcement practice on maritime disputes allows to characterize the subject of modern interstate maritime disputes; critically assess the fairness of decisions of international courts; to analyze the problems of enforceability of judicial and arbitral awards in the framework of the procedures for the settlement of maritime disputes provided for in the 1982 UN Convention on the Law of the Sea.
Results. Reasonable decisions of the International Court of Justice, the International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea and the Permanent Court of Arbitration in The Hague are usually implemented by the states parties to the 1982 UN Convention on the Law of the Sea. Protection of the marine environment as well as prompt release of ships and crews from arrest have become a modern legal reality due to the effectiveness of the legal mechanism for resolving interstate maritime disputes. Territorial maritime disputes cause significant difficulties at all stages of their resolution, which is due to their political nature and the efforts of states to protect their national interests.
Conclusion. The resolution of maritime territorial disputes requires more flexibility from the parties, an international agreement between the parties to the dispute on the procedure for its consideration, as well as the use of conciliation procedures to work out a compromise solution to the dispute.

This study is focused at studying the problem of the political and legal rationalization of the actions of government authorities in defining and proclaiming the category of “national interests” in the framework of the common interests of the international community and the common goals of the international security system for other participants in international communication.
Aim. Eliminate methodological problems in defining the content of the terms “national security”, “public security”, “personal security”, “constitutional order”, “state” while institutionalizing interference in the internal affairs of other states.
Tasks. To highlight and formulate the directions of concentration of efforts of state authorities in the movement of the nation towards its goals in relation to dangers, threats and risks.
Methods. The state of the modern security environment testifies to the mobility of the content of national interests, and, therefore, there is a problem of determining the directions of concentration of efforts of a government to ensure them and proclaiming them for other participants in international communication. The allocation of categories of national interests is based on national security objects and on a comparative analysis of the necessary reactions of states to external and intranational threats and threats to private interests.
Results. The study showed that the most important mission of government bodies is to continuously redefine dangers, threats and risks, and provide resources to counter them. Competition of states for a place in the hierarchy of the balance of power is inevitable, and, accordingly, the redefinition of vital, important, significant interests should also be carried out continuously. The directions of efforts of international actors can be explained in terms of how they do proclaim their national interests. One of the most obvious problems of modern political discourse is the endowment of the political mechanism “state” with subjectivity in the processes of determining national interests and ensuring the security of the nation, which is a serious methodological error, and which, in turn, was confirmed by the decision of the Nuremberg Tribunal. To ensure the survival of the nation as a result of political consensus, it is necessary to determine the main objects of concentration of efforts and necessary resources. Such errands include the declaration for other participants in international communication of certain “values” of the nation as its “vital” interests, to protect which its total resources will be allocated.
Conclusion. The decision of the state authorities to take any action to interfere in the internal affairs of any state should be based on the determination of the fact, which is, of course, conditioned not by the thresholds and “red lines” declared by the state, but by the state of the balance of power in international relations.

The present study is aimed at considering the issues of competence of the Eurasian Economic Union, defined by international treaties within the framework of the Eurasian Economic Union, on combating corruption in the preparation of acts of the bodies of the Eurasian Economic Union.
Aim. To determine the competence of the bodies of the Eurasian Economic Union in the field of anticorruption in the development of acts of the bodies of the Eurasian Economic Union.
Tasks. To identify the limits and scope of the competence of the Eurasian Economic Union, established by the Treaty on the Eurasian Economic Union of May 29, 2014, in the field of anti-corruption in the development of acts of the bodies of the Eurasian Economic Union, to determine the grounds for anticorruption expertise provided for by the legislation of the Russian Federation, to determine the degree of effectiveness of the Eurasian integration in the field of anti-corruption.
Methods. In this paper, using the methods of logical, comparative and predictive analysis, the factors contributing to the implementation of effective policies of the member states of the Eurasian Economic Union aimed at improving the mechanism for the development of acts of the bodies of the Eurasian Economic Union in the field of combating corruption are identified.
Results. The study showed that the Treaty on the Eurasian Economic Union of May 29, 2014 does not provide for the authority of the Eurasian Economic Commission to conduct anti-corruption expertise in the preparation of acts of the bodies of the Eurasian Economic Union. At the same time, the Eurasian Economic Union has powerful legal and organizational tools that allow it to adopt regulatory legal acts that are sufficiently deeply prepared, analyzed and have passed legal procedures. The Eurasian anti-corruption platform proposed for formation will allow applying international experience, and, in addition, protecting the national interests of the Eurasian countries, taking into account the peculiarities of national legal systems.
Conclusion. It is advisable to consider the development and adoption of a unified anti-corruption strategy of the Eurasian Economic Union, which would be based on the participation of the EAEU member states and take into account national interests and the specifics of the legal systems of the participating states, including the specifics of legislative regulation in the anti-corruption sphere.

This study focuses on identifying the nature of international terrorism as an extremely negative phenomenon of modern politics, as well as on defining such terms as “international terrorism” and “terrorism”.
Aim. The study aims at identifying the origins of both domestic and international terrorism, and also at proposing the definitions of these political phenomena.
Tasks. The tasks of this study are to identify the social-political sources of terrorism; to define the core features of this phenomenon; to propose the definitions of the terms “terrorism” and “international terrorism” based only on the core features of these notions; to propose the methods of fighting this extremely negative phenomenon of international political life.
Methods. The methodology of the study is based on the recognition of the fact that the phenomenon of terrorism has a significant influence on political processes. Such a method as the comparative analysis was used in the study. The references applied in the study have content coherence with the political approach towards the understanding of terrorism. This study also addresses the cases of the successful fights against this phenomenon that can be used as examples for altering priority areas of fighting terrorism and international terrorism.
Results. The study proposes the definitions of such political phenomena as “terrorism” and “international terrorism”, identifies the political nature of international terrorism. The study shows that international terrorism is a phenomenon of the same nature as domestic terrorism. The main object of both terrorism and international terrorism is a specific state, a group of states, or international organizations. To effectively fight terrorism, states need to resort to tactics of social and political maneuvering, that is to reduce the proportion of the population living below or near the poverty line, to provide the population and especially young citizens of the country with access to social mobility, and to include opposition political movements in the political process. Implementation of such measures will lead to the disappearance of the social base of terrorist organizations that will lead to the elimination of this phenomenon.
Conclusion. The fight against international terrorism is being waged by individual states and the world community with mixed success. And the more states and international organisations focus on eradication of the sources of terrorism, the more successful the fight against this phenomenon will be. By extracting only the core features of terrorism and international terrorism, the universal definitions of the terms of these phenomena of political life can be developed.

This study focuses on the role of the Arctic Strategy of Russia in the Great Eurasian Partnership.
Aim. The study aims to identify the features of the Arctic Strategy of Russia in the Great Eurasian Partnership.
Tasks. The development of principles of geopolitical forecasting and work with big data, with the aim of synchronizing the integration processes contradictory in nature and interests of the actors in Greater Eurasia, identifying the features of the geopolitical regionalization of Eurasia, and analyzing the global security analytics of the Great Eurasian Partnership in the coming “digital era”.
Methods. The transition from the “analog” to the “digital era” at the beginning of the 21st century meant an essentially revolution in the data itself, which was associated with the emergence of their new quality — predictive. The methodology for research and forecasting the prospects of Eurasian integration is modeling the multi-agent interaction of geopolitical factors of coalitions based on mathematical game theory. The strategy of transition to a polycentric world order implies the need to move from “geopolitical fiction” to geopolitics, based on mathematical modeling of global geopolitics processes using game theory methods.
Results. The geopolitical regionalization of Eurasia is a challenge to time. On the expanses of the Eurasian continent, several multi-format long-term “Eurasian projects” are increasingly clearly emerging. This is, firstly, the Eurasian Economic Union, secondly, the Chinese One Belt-One Way and, thirdly, Indo-Pacifica. The Russian Arctic is a region of the Great Eurasian Partnership. The tasks of the modern Arctic policy of Russia are focused on ensuring the priority growth of raw materials exports and industrial development of the Arctic territories, rather than on solving the problems of improving the quality of life of the local population, although in the Russian Arctic strategy until 2035 these tasks are formulated quite correctly.
Conclusion. The analytics of the Eurasian partnership and the wording of expert assessments should be formed on the basis not only of political discourse, but also of exact sciences. In modern conditions, the development of scenario projects for the construction of the Great Eurasian Partnership, which includes the Greater Arctic (which, in turn, require an independent theoretical and methodological study), involves the full use of the apparatus of mathematical geopolitics (game theory), scenario modeling and big data technologies.

The present study is aimed at studying the experience of forming a regional security architecture on the example of Southeast Asia.
Aim. Study and generalization of the historical experience of the formation of the security architecture in Southeast Asia and its current state, participation in a scientific discussion on the problems of the Eurasian space.
Tasks. To carry out an express analysis of the fundamental decisions of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (hereinafter — ASEAN, the Association) on security issues, their effectiveness in regional political practice; to identify the main problems of the process of forming a regional security system and the impact of global instability, contradictory bilateral relations between the states of the region; to determine the reasons for the eclecticism of its current state, as well as different approaches to assessing the results of ASEAN’s activities over the entire period of its existence, caused by the lag in making operational decisions on security in the conditions of real modern socio-political and economic processes; to identify the main mechanisms and tools of the Southeast regional security architecture from the East Asian Summit to the Committees ASEAN by areas of activity, from Joint Statements to Programs, including the ASEAN Regional Security Architecture Program, and Action Plans.
Methodology. Using historical, comparative and structural-functional methods based on the main content of the documents of the ASEAN Regional Forum, the East Asian Summit, the Russia-ASEAN dialogue program, as well as research models of Russian and foreign scientists and experts, existing problems were identified, the process of forming a regional security system, and the need to study the experience of ASEAN was justified.
Results. The study showed the general and special features of the process of formation of the regional security system of Southeast Asia and regional security architectures in Central Asia and Europe. It is confirmed that the current global uncertainty and instability contribute to the formation of a trend towards regional coalitions and the strengthening of regional security architectures. The multidirectional positions of the members of the Association on issues of national and regional security have been revealed. ASEAN uses the experience of other regional coalitions, primarily NATO, in shaping the security architecture. There are problems in the efficiency of decision-making and this has both negative and positive consequences.
Conclusions. In contrast to the established Euro-Atlantic security architecture, which excludes a significant part of Europe in the form of the European part of the Russian Federation, the Eurasian strategic space is currently in the process of forming a security system, which includes only certain groups of states. The research is mainly aimed at studying approaches to the content and forms of cooperation between these countries in security issues. Modern global processes negatively affect all levels of security and actualize the problem of strengthening it at the regional level. Even in the difficult conditions of Southeast Asia, ASEAN manages to partially minimize the consequences of challenges, threats and security risks. In the south-eastern strategic region, the problems of protracted conflicts, significant differences in the economic and political development of the member States of the Association still remain unresolved, and this negatively affects the achievement of unity and the development of cooperation relations between the countries of the region, as well as the stabilization of the regional situation. The existing problems in the efficiency of decision-making at the regional level have both negative and positive consequences. They are currently balanced. Participation in the work of various international institutions is of great political importance, and has an impact on the status of subjects of the global or regional political process. Participation in the dialogue programs of the ASEAN of Russia is justified and contributes to the continuation of contacts with the countries of Southeast Asia. The experience of the long-term existence of the regional coalition can be used in other regions of Eurasia.

The present study is aimed at studying urbanization as an international political phenomenon in modern world politics.
Aim. To define the concept of urbanization and the city in modern political science and to identify the role of urbanization processes in international relations.
Tasks. To define the essence of the city as a political concept, to define modern political concepts of cities, to comprehend the prospects of urbanization processes for modern international relations.
Methods. In this paper, using the methods of analysis, synthesis and forecasting, the factors contributing to the influence of urbanization on modern international relations are identified.
Results. The study showed that urbanization is an integral part of the international political process of the XXI century, the importance of which is increasing every year. Currently, the political, economic, and cultural life of society is concentrated in cities. At the same time, the number of urban residents is steadily increasing, which makes the XXI century the century of large urban settlements. Political practice shows that with increasing trends towards glocalization and regionalization, cities are becoming more and more autonomous players in solving local domestic and foreign policy issues, entering the world arena through special cross-border urban associations.
Conclusion. The international legal non-regulation of the autonomy of cities as actors in international relations complicates the modern world political process. Nevertheless, global, and smart cities are becoming the flagships of urbanization and the centers of attraction for international cooperation, including in the field of politics, which makes it necessary to study them as a new international political phenomenon.