Aim. Amid the ongoing global transformation of international relations and world politics, the aim of this study is to analyze the development of Greater Eurasia as a poles of global geopolitics, structure, and civilizational world order. The subject of this study is a comparison of the foreign policies of the Russian Empire and modern Russia, which is building its relations with Europe and within the framework of Greater Eurasia. Methods. The methodology utilizes dialectical and comparative historical methods and approaches to the object of study. The discussion concerns interpretations of the place and role of actors in emerging unions and associations in the Eurasian space and the preservation of national distinctiveness. Conclusions lead to the recognition of the need for a dialectical combination of both the interests of actors in emerging unions and the activities of these unions in the global world order.

Aim. The purpose of the study is to identify and systematize regional mechanisms of state support for investment projects in the Russian Federation, as well as to develop a comparative approach to their assessment. Special attention is paid to the analysis of the legal, budgetary, infrastructural, and institutional-procedural components of the investment policy of three subjects of the Federation — the city of Moscow, the Republic of Tatarstan, and the Tula Region, which have different models of investment environment management. Methods. The methodological basis of the study was a comparative and structural-functional analysis, a method of systematization of regulatory acts, as well as an analytical grouping of support measures into three blocks: fiscal and legal incentives, budgetary and infrastructural tools and institutional and procedural support. To visualize the results, the author’s model of the “taxonomy of support measures” was used, supplemented by a heat map of the intensity of the use of tools in regional policy. Results. The results of the study allowed us to establish that each of the regions under consideration has built its own configuration of support measures: in Moscow, a comprehensive legal and digital infrastructure for project support prevails; in Tatarstan, the emphasis is on integrating legal incentives and cluster mechanisms of the Alabuga SEZ; in the Tula region a combination of tax incentives and “one-stop shop” practices with more limited infrastructure resources. Comparative analysis has shown that institutional maturity and consistency of instruments directly correlate with the investment attractiveness of the region. Conclusions. In conclusion, it is noted that the developed methodology of three-block classification and visual diagnostics makes it possible to assess the balance and effectiveness of regional investment policy. The results obtained can be used by the authorities in adjusting the regulatory framework and forming targeted support measures to improve the effectiveness of the investment climate.

Aim. To examine the institutions of self-employment in the EAEU countries and identify the features of their functioning for further improvement. Methods. To study the institutions of self-employment and their development in the EAEU countries, the historical and legal method was used; to identify the general and specific in the functioning of the institutions of self-employment in the EAEU countries, a comparative legal analysis was used. Tasks. The article presents a comparative analysis of the institutions of the self-employed in the EAEU countries. The legal framework for regulating individual activities is considered through the prism of such criteria as the branch of law regulating self-employment; self-employment entity; types of independent activities; marginal income; entities to whom the self-employed provide services or sell goods; the possibility of extending the tax regime for the self-employed to citizens of the EAEU; participation of the self-employed in financing social and pension insurance programs, etc. Results. It was revealed that only three countries: Belarus, Kazakhstan and Russia have attempted to formalize individual activity into an independent institution. In Armenia, Kazakhstan after January 1, 2024, and Kyrgyzstan, independent activity is regulated by the norms of business law. Conclusions. It is shown that the EAEU countries have chosen original approaches to regulating the activities of the self-employed. Significant differences were found in the institutions of the self-employed and in the regulation of their activities in the Kazakh and Russian tax experiments, which began at the same time; Unique features of the approach in Belarus, which some experts consider to be an analogue of the Russian version of the formalization of the self-employed, are revealed. The issue of extending the status of the self-employed to citizens of the EAEU is resolved in different ways. The work shows that only in one country (Russia) is the law allowing citizens of EAEU countries to use the tax regime for the selfemployed; in Belarus and Kazakhstan, activities as entrepreneurs and self-employed are significantly limited for foreign citizens; in Armenia and Kyrgyzstan, citizenship is of no importance. The author expresses the opinion that today it is possible to sum up only the interim results of the functioning of the institutions of the self-employed.

The article examines the issues of international cooperation in the Arctic macro-region, the current state of which is the result of both the evolutionary process of passing certain stages and the modern transformation of the world geopolitical landscape. Aim. Substantiation of proposals for improving the organizational forms of development of the tourism industry of the PRC based on the analysis of its current state and the implementation of the practical experience of the Russian Federation. Tasks. To identify the stages, describe the elements of the modern model, and propose a classification of areas of international Arctic cooperation. To emphasize the role of China and India as civilizational states in managing the development of the Arctic macro-region. To formulate the principles for the success of the NSR route, which has received the status of the Trans-Arctic Transport Corridor, linking Europe and Asia. Methods. Systems approach, logical analysis, synthesis, content analysis of open sources, modeling. Results. Study of the evolution of international Arctic cooperation, the current state and development prospects of the Northern Sea Route as a dominant and driver for the development of the Arctic zone of the Russian Federation. Materials and methods. Systems approach, logical analysis, synthesis, content analysis of open sources, modeling. Results. The evolution of international cooperation in the Arctic has five stages, starting in 1648; since February 2022 the fifth stage has been underway, which has its own specifics and forms a modern model of cooperation implemented through international organizations, integration associations, government initiatives, scientific research and environmental projects. It is advisable to classify the areas of international Arctic cooperation by type, sphere, purpose, type and powers of its participants. The dominant feature and driver of the development of the Russian segment of the Arctic is the Northern Sea Route, the fundamental success of the route along which is due to speed, safety and benefit. In the context of the renewal of global governance institutions, the role of states-civilizations that are members of the BRICS Forum integration association in managing the development of the Arctic (Russia, China, India) is becoming more important.

Amidst the external restrictions, domestic tourism in Russia is actively developing. While this creates new opportunities for regional development, it also poses certain risks to the sustainable development of tourism destinations, particularly in the areas of ecology and environmental protection. In some countries, tourism development is moving along a sustainable tourism trajectory, under which a portion of the funds generated by tourism-driven economic development is directed toward reducing the negative impact of tourism on the environment and local communities. Aim. Firstly, to characterize current state of tourism industry in Russia, in terms of sustainable development. Secondly, to analyze international practices in sustainable tourism and identify limitations to sustainable tourism development in Russia. Finaly, to propose a series of measures to support the development of sustainable tourism in Russia. Methods. To assess tourism development in Russia, a comprehensive systematic approach was implemented, integrating comparative, statistical, and spatial-geographical methods. To assess sustainable tourism practices, a critical and retrospective analysis of scientific publications on the topic was conducted, along with a detailed review of international and Russian regulatory documents governing the formation and development of the tourism and recreation industry. Conclusions. When developing measures, we should: consider the impact of the increased tourist flow on the sustainable development of destinations, while assessing their capacity; redistribute tourist flows; develop tourism infrastructure and improve transport accessibility; expand the range of tools for developing sustainable tourism, etc.

The legitimacy of states’ responses to acts of aggression in the context of modern international law is closely linked to the institution of humanitarian intervention and the right to self-defense in accordance with Article 51 of the United Nations Charter. Aim. To formulate principles of legal interaction between states to overcome military tensions in the Eurasian region. Methods. A diachronic analysis of the institution of aggression in international law aims to develop norms of humanitarian law that are adequate to contemporary realities and that deter states from the unfounded and unjustified use of force. Results. The United Nations Security Council remains the primary legitimate element of the international legal mechanism for holding states and their military and political leadership accountable for aggression. Conclusions. Direct and indirect aggression differ significantly in the formal nature of the legitimization of unfriendly actions, but they utilize the same military and political means of waging war. The aspirations of neoliberal elites to form a new international legal order, where the International Criminal Court would have jurisdiction to prosecute political leaders for international crimes, are aimed at undermining the sovereign status of states and have not received widespread international recognition. Limiting a state’s sovereignty by recognizing the actions of its military and political leadership as an act of aggression requires consensus among the permanent members of the United Nations Security Council, which typically occurs at the end of an armed conflict when confidence- and security-building measures are being developed.

Aim and tasks. The article is devoted to the consideration of the problems of interpretation of normative legal acts of the Union State bodies in the context of the formation of a unified legal system of this integration association. As the number of relevant regulatory legal acts is constantly increasing and they are increasingly beginning to relate to the regulation of relations involving individuals and legal entities (in particular, on December 6, 2024 The Decree of the Supreme State Council of the Union State approved Uniform Rules in the field of consumer protection), the solution of these problems is becoming more relevant. Methods. The research was conducted using general scientific (analysis, synthesis, etc.) and private scientific (formal legal, etc.) methods and structured based on the need to find answers to the following questions: who, in what cases and how can (should) carry out the official normative interpretation of the normative legal acts of the Union State, as well as what is its legal significance. Results and conclusions. Before the creation of the Court of the Union State, whose function includes the interpretation of acts of the Union State, it is proposed to use a compensatory mechanism, in which, apparently, the Standing Committee of the Union State should play a key role. The decisions of national courts increasingly begin to mention the normative legal acts of the Union State, but their application often raises questions, therefore, the official normative interpretation of these acts by the authorized bodies of the Union State should be carried out on a permanent basis. This process is complicated by the fact that the interpretation must take into account the relationship between the legal system of the Union State and the legal systems of its member States and the legal system of the Eurasian Economic Union, of which the Republic of Belarus and the Russian Federation are members, as well as the prospect of adopting a Union-wide Constitution. The legal significance of the official normative interpretation of the normative legal acts of the Union State also requires clarification, at least in terms of its relationship with the constitutional acts of the member States of the Union State. Despite the complexity of the issues raised (most of which should be the subject of special research), the success of Union construction will ultimately depend on their solution.

Aim. The purpose of the article is to substantiate the legal regulation of state control and supervision from the perspective of Eurasian economic integration. The author positions the consideration of control and supervisory activities in the context of integration processes as one of the approaches to the study of state control and supervision. Methods. The article utilizes such scientific methods as systems and comparative legal analysis, classification, and legal formalization. Results. The author analyzed the legal regulation of state control and supervision in the Eurasian Economic Union. Based on the analysis, the following features of control and supervision in the EAEU are highlighted: the public nature of such influence (including state, public control, as well as control by supranational bodies); impact exclusively on economic and related relations; positioning control and supervision as conditions for achieving the basic goals of integration; multi-level legal regulation and differences in the degree of unification of control and supervision impact. The author associates the prospects for the legal regulation of control and supervision in the EAEU with the increasing complexity of their structural content and the increase in their variety; the gradual expansion of the integration level of regulation, the unification of supervisory and control measures, and digitalization processes. Conclusions. Based on the analysis, the author identifies trends in the legal regulation of state control and supervision in the EAEU, including: the digitalization of control and supervision procedures and the development of a trust-based approach to control and control interactions; and the development of a classification of types of control and control activities in the EAEU. It is concluded that new types of control and supervision are initially regulated at the integration level, and their control and control mechanisms are as unified as possible. As a trend in the development of scientific research on control and supervision within the framework of Eurasian economic integration, the author highlights the possibility of considering control and supervision procedures as constraints on the development of individual commodity markets or, conversely, as support measures for them. It is concluded that the development of a single economic space in the EAEU entails the gradual formation of unified control and supervisory mechanisms designed to influence economic and related relations within the framework of Eurasian  integration.

The article was prepared in two parts, the first of which is published in this issue of the journal.

The article examines the current state and problems of legal regulation of the pharmaceutical sector of the Eurasian  Economic Union (EAEU, Union), as well as BRICS and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) from the point of competition and the impact of such regulation on ensuring the technological independence of these international associations and their member states. Aim. To offer possible ways to develop competition in the pharmaceutical sector of the EAEU, as well as promising areas of interaction between the EAEU, BRICS and ASEAN in this area. Tasks. To assess the current state of legal regulation of the pharmaceutical sector of the EAEU at the supranational level in terms of forming conditions for the development of competition in the common market of medicines. To study the mechanisms of price regulation in the pharmaceutical sectors of the member states of the Union. To analyze national practices of ensuring the availability of medicines for the population. To compare approaches to regulating the pharmaceutical markets of India, China, Brazil, ASEAN. Methods. A combination of general scientific and special scientific methods (including content and comparative analysis of legal texts) are applied, which optimally correspond to the content and structure of the subject of research. Results. Based on the analysis, a comprehensive understanding of the current state of legal regulation of the pharmaceutical sector of the EAEU from the point of view of competition is submitted. An analysis of the actual status of the forming of common market for medicines in the EAEU is conducted, its advantages and disadvantages are highlighted. The mechanisms of price regulation in the pharmaceutical sectors at the national level are studied, proposals for the harmonization of relevant issues at the Union level and the involvement of observer states of the EAEU in this activity are prepared. Compulsory licensing and buying medicines online as tools for increasing the availability of medicines are analyzed. A general overview of the regulation of the pharmaceutical markets of India, China, Brazil, ASEAN is presented. Proposals for possible areas of interaction between the EAEU, BRICS and ASEAN in this area are prepared. Conclusions. Further development of legal regulation of the pharmaceutical sector of the EAEU are associated not only with harmonization of national approaches to price regulation and introduction of effective (“seamless”) and transparent mechanisms for regulating the pharmaceutical sector within the framework of the Greater Eurasian Partnership (EAEU, BRICS and ASEAN), but also with establishment of mechanisms for preventing anti-competitive behavior of market participants, and the involvement of authorized bodies of observer states of the EAEU in this work. The solution of these problems will contribute to the growth of investment activity and technological independence of the region as a whole.

Aim and tasks. The purpose of the work is to determine the role and place of social, cultural and scientific aspects in the development of Eurasian integration. Methods. The methodological basis of the research is based on the ideas of neofunctionalism, neorealism and geopolitics. Results. The empirical base of the study is based on the documents constituting the EAEU Law and on the official statistica l data of the EAEU and national statistical agencies for the periods 2015–2025. The normative legal acts adopted at the international level regulating the sphere of relations between the participating states of integration in the social, cultural and scientific spheres are analyzed. The analysis of socia l mobility of the population within the Union, labor migration, academic mobility and some quantitative characteristics of scientific interaction is carried out. Conclusions: It is concluded that the geopolitical conditions and the level of development of the state seem to be more significant factors influencing the quantitative indicators of migration. It is pointed out that the achievements in the social security of migrant workers from the EAEU have a noticeable effect on the dynamics of intra-Union labor migration. The thesis is presented that the cultural aspect of Eurasian integration has not been studied deeply enough. At the same time, the cultural and scientific aspect of Eurasian integration has significant risks in the face of competing programs from global and regional powers. In conclusion, it is pointed out that the achievements in the considered areas of Eurasian integration are primarily institutional in nature, and these issues in the long term have the potential to become key on the EAEU agenda.

The transformation of the political media space in the EAEU as an ongoing process is due to technological progress, changes in the legislative regulation of the media sphere in states, and changing relations between governments, the media and the public. Global digitalization has influenced the ways in which political ideas and the agenda of Eurasian integration are communicated to the public in the EAEU member states, and increased government control over digital mass communications has raised complex issues related to security and democratic accountability. Aim. To analyze the conditions, problems and opportunities of the process of transformation of the political media space in the member countries of the Eurasian Economic Union. Tasks. To identify the factors influencing the transformation of the political media space in the EAEU, to identify the role and importance of social networks and mass media in the communicative interaction of political structures with the public, to study the level of trust in the media and the predominance of language in mass communications in the formation of information messages, public attitudes towards Russia in the EAEU countries in the political media discourse, to explore the possibility of harmonizing legislation on mass media the EAEU countries. Methods. The research methodology is based on structural, comparative analysis, statistical and logical methods of market research in the process of studying management mechanisms at the market and legislative levels of the advertising and media markets, content analysis of open sources of information in studying the issue of trust in the media and attitudes towards Eurasian integration among the citizens of the EAEU. Results. The necessity of creating a unified media space of the EAEU based on common cultural, spiritual, moral, historical and civilizational values of the participating countries, which contributes to shaping the image of the EAEU on the world stage, creating an image of Eurasian integration in the media sphere, is revealed. The transformation of the political media space in the EAEU is associated with such trends as: despite the digital inequality among the EAEU states, the online audience continues to increase; the growing popularity of social networks, of which banned  in Russia, dominates in other EAEU member states.; the priority of language in the media remains with Russian, despite the different attitudes towards the Russian Federation among the peoples of the EAEU; a decrease in trust in traditional media; the spread of disinformation and fake news in the online environment; the lack of systematic information on the activities of the EAEU, its importance and potential for citizens; the lack of a unified supranational legislative regulation of media communications. Conclusions. The transformation of the political media space in the EAEU reflects the complex interaction of state control, media consolidation, technological changes, the dynamics of digital media, external influence and public involvement in the agenda of integration of the EAEU countries. The study showed a number of problems and ways to solve them related to the process of transformation of the political media space in the EAEU countries: media consumption in the EAEU countries is mainly reorienting towards digital media, displacing traditional media by increasing the online audience; Therefore, the popularity of social networks should be used for interaction between political structures and the public; the need to harmonize supranational media regulation in the EAEU countries based on the formation of a unified legal framework for information integration, as well as the agenda on the importance of integration processes, creating an image of the EAEU and the participating countries. Due to the heterogeneity and inconsistency of national media markets, differences in models of mass information, and media consumption, the integration of the media space is complicated, so it is advisable to form a unified strategy for diverse media coverage of integration processes based on a systematic method of presenting information.

Amid the increasing number of regional and global challenges and threats (Ukrainian crisis, PalestinianIsraeli conflict, unstable socio-political situation in Afghanistan, escalating cross-border terrorist dange rs, etc.), the foreign policy of the Republic of Kazakhstan (RK) is gaining momentum. In consonance with the doctrinal principles outlined in the Strategy “Kazakhstan-2050” and the Concept of the RK foreign policy in 2020, the finalization of specific patterns of Kazakhstan’s attitude towards other countries and multilateral associations has accelerated: proactivity, pragmatism and multi-vectorism. Therefore, interest in the study of Kazakhstan’s foreign policy has been growing rapidly recently. Not only does the practical side of Kazakhstan’s political and diplomatic efforts deserve attention, but also their semantic content represented in modern Kazakhstani strategic planning documents defining the trajectory of relations between Kazakhstan and other world politics actors should be examined. Kazakhstan’s proactive commitment to the international law and institutionalization of multilateral cooperation under rising geopolitical tensions is also confirmed by the fact that in 2024 Kazakhstan chaired a record number of international organizations, such as the OTS, SCO, CICA, CSTO, IOFS, IFAS. However, the CIS, the CSTO and the EAEU will be scrutinized in this article, which is due to their pivotal role in the implementation of the Greater Eurasian Partnership (GEP) project put forward by Russia in 2015. Aim and tasks. The article attempts to analyze the role of the Greater Eurasian Partnership project in Kazakhstan’s politics in the context of this country’s activities in the EAEU, the CIS and the CSTO. To study the basic principles of the formation of the Greater Eurasia, to determine the regularities and trajectory of Kazakhstan’s modern foreign policy, to assess Kazakhstani approaches to integration within the EAEU, CSTO and CIS from the perspective of the Greater Eurasian Partnership. Methods. empirical, theoretical and analytical methods were applied. Results. It was discovered that Kazakhstan’s activities within the mentioned associations are based on its self-perception as a sub-regional middle power, along with its desire to get the most out of Eurasian integration. Conclusion. For Kazakhstan, the BEP project is a key guideline in the formation of a continent-wide network of mutually beneficial integration formats, including the EAEU, the CIS, and the CSTO.

The study examines the potential of the inter-parliamentary institutions of the Collective Security Treaty Organization, the Commonwealth of Independent States, and the Eurasian Economic Union in terms of their contribution to the formation of a collective security and stability system in the region in the context of global transformation. Aim. The goal is to explore the key mechanisms for developing inter-parliamentary cooperation in the po st-Soviet space, followed by the development of practical recommendations for their optimization. Tasks. The objectives include: analyzing the institutional architecture and legal framework of key inter-parliamentary institutions in the post-Soviet space; identifying systemic limitations and challenges that reduce the effectiveness of inter-parliamentary cooperation in the field of security; and identifying potential and d eveloping specific proposals for institutional reforms aimed at increasing the binding nature of decision-making. Methods. The research methods used include the analysis of documents underlying the interaction between states to ensure security; the comparison of the powers of the IPAs of the studied associations; the in stitutional approach for studying inter-parliamentary structures as formal institutions with rules, norms, procedures, and practices; and the systemic approach for considering inter-parliamentary cooperation as a subsystem of the broader system of international relations in the post-Soviet space. Results. The study identifies systemic limitations that hinder the full implementation of the IPI’s mandates, such as the lack of binding nature of the decisions made and the differences in the political priorities of the participating countries. The practical significance of the study lies in the development of a set of specific recommendations aimed at improving the effectiveness of inter-parliamentary cooperation. Key proposals include strengthening monitoring mechanisms, developing specialized working groups on current threats, unifying standards for monitoring activities, and formalizing approaches to reporting. Conclusions. The inter-parliamentary institutions of Eurasia have significant but unrealized potential in the field of security, the strengthening of which requires deep institutional reforms. The key areas are strengthening the legal status of decisions through mandatory ratification mechanisms and creating a monitoring system, as well as strengthening coordination with executive authorities. Implementing these measures will create a sustainable collective security system that can adequately respond to current challenges.

This study focuses on developing a model for multilateral cooperation among the BRICS countries to ensure the digital sovereignty of the alliance. The relevance of this topic is driven by the growing geopolitical competition in the global information space and the need to strengthen collective agency to respond to external challenges and enhance the role of BRICS in the emerging multipolar system of international relations. Aim and tasks. The purpose is to conceptually substantiate the integrativesymbiotic model of forming the foundations of BRICS collective digital sovereignty as a solution to the scientific problem of harmonizing the diverse national policies of the BRICS countries in the information and telecommunications sector. The objectives include: systematizing theoretical approaches to the study of digital sovereignty and identifying their limitations; analyzing the national reference models of key BRICS countries to identify common challenges and contradictions; defining the conceptual foundations, principles, and structure of the integrative-symbiotic model; and proposing practical mechanisms for its implementation in the emerging system of collective digital sovereignty. Methods. The work is based on a systemic approach, comparative-political analysis, and the modeling method. The model was constructed using the author’s proprietary three-level analytical framework, which combines spheric, domain, and vector approaches. The theoretical basis was formed by works in the field of global security theory and approaches to the management of complex socio-political systems. Results. Results. The study revealed a fundamental contradiction between the objective need for BRICS countries to develop a collective strategy and the impossibility of unifying their national information systems. As a solution, an integrative-symbiotic model has been developed, which, unlike existing approaches, offers a mechanism for synergistic interaction rather than unification. The study has proven that the effectiveness of the model depends on the ability to combine the strengths of national practices. The study has also developed specific mechanisms for implementing the model, including the establishment of a permanent BRICS Digital Governance Council and the creation of a digital innovation fund. Conclusions. The integrative-symbiotic model is a scientifically sound and practically significant tool for strengthening the collective sovereignty of BRICS. The model proposes a mechanism not of unification, but of flexible symbiotic interaction based on synergy and mutual benefit. Specific practical mechanisms (Digital Governance Council, Digital Innovation Fund) are proposed to harmonize national interests, turning the heterogeneity of the union into a strategic advantage.

Aim. To explore participation of “Gazprom” PJSC in Russian public-private partnership projects. Methods: institutional approach, document analysis, case study, generalization and synthesis. Results. The article examines specific examples of the implementation of the capital participation model and the contractual public-private partnership of “Gazprom” PJSC. The model of participation in capital is the priority model, which is confirmed by the state’s controlling stake in the company and is expressed in significant state support for “Gazprom” PJSC by guaranteeing an advantageous position in the high-yield market, providing large loans from banks with state participation, ensuring attractive tax conditions for work in promising segments of the economy and concluding profitable contracts with public authorities. However, the company has to take on social obligations in the form of gasification of whole country, which to a certain extent harms its own economic efficiency. At the same time, “Gazprom” PJSC can be both a public and a private partner in PPP projects. Conclusions. The key problem for “Gazprom” PJSC remains the commitments it has made to gasify the country, which require investments from the company and are characterized by low profitability. The ways to solve this problem may be to involve other gas companies in the implementation of gasification projects within the framework of PPP; to ensure the profitability of gasification projects for “Gazprom” PJSC itself by providing the latter with tax breaks or increasing export supplies of gas to the Asia-Pacific market, which will also provide access to gas for regions of Siberia and the Far East; to reduce the gasification program by optimizing energy consumption and developing alternative sources such as liquefied natural gas and liquefied petroleum gas.

The COVID-19 pandemic has increased the importance of health issues on the international agenda. However, the World Health Organization, responsible for combating the global spread of diseases, is facing a serious crisis. In this regard, negotiation platforms are becoming necessary to complement the WHO’s functions and allow States to coordinate their policies in this area. Aim and tasks. The study aims to identify the factors contributing to and hindering the BRICS emergence as a new center of power in global health. It presumes consistent accomplishment of the following tasks: tracing the genesis of health issues on the BRICS agenda; characterizing the BRICS health initiatives in the pre-pandemic period; identifying changes that occurred during the COVID-19 pandemic; and analyzing the impact of the BRICS expansion on the global health agenda. Methods. The study relies on an interdisciplinary approach that promotes a comprehensive analysis of the research issue. The primary sources are WHO’s documents, declarations of BRICS summits and health ministers’ meetings, government materials, speeches by officials, statistical data, expert assessments, etc. Results. The stages of BRICS health initiatives are highlighted. The key achievements and challenges of each stage are described. The importance of vaccine diplomacy in the foreign policy of the group’s “Eurasian core” — Russia, India, and China (the RIC triangle) — is revealed. The opportunities and limitations for increasing the influence of “BRICS plus” format on global health agenda are identified. Conclusions. Based on the results of the study, it is concluded that the role of BRICS in global health depends, on the one hand, on the desire of the group’s members to translate their vision and political will into concrete actions, and on the other hand, on the emerging world order.

Aim. The author studies options of states access to a national and foreign raw resources base in the context of assessing key players positions in international commodities markets on the example of the oil industry of Saudi Arabia. Methods. This study adopts interdisciplinary approach, uses the method of comparative analysis, and statistical method. Results. The main challenges which Washington and Riyadh encountered on the path of getting access to the oil resources base of Saudi Arabia have been considered in the article. An evidence base of this research has been represented by the case of rise and development of the Saudi Arabian oil industry. Conclusions. 1. The four conditions to get access to a raw resources base for states are their own fields or an option to use fields in the territory of other countries, financial capitals, technologies and strong armies. 2. Depending on their chances of getting access to a raw resources base all states can be classified as the following: (a) weak countries with a low potential for getting and holding an access, (b) weak countries with a high potential, (c) strong countries with a low potential for using and holding their resources, (d) self-sufficient countries. 3. From the viewpoint of its capacities to get access to its raw resources base Saudi Arabia showed that on the path of development of its national energy industry it had a high dependence on the USA in accessing to technologies of exploration and production of national resources, security, and at the earliest stage — to financial capitals.